(WARNING!!! blog ini untuk dibaca, bukan untuk ditiru.) 2010 :: abdullah ahmad
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Selasa, 17 Agustus 2010

puasa puasa

sdh masuk hari ke-8, puasa masih saja loyo.masih berat.banyak dosa sih. sudah mau masuk kuliah ramadhan juga,puasa makin berat,rintangan makin banyak apalagi godaan kota besar.
nothing is impossible. hal terpenting lainnya harus mulai sekarang harus terus menulids di blog ini. mubazir bikin blog terus nda d pake.awalnya cuma gara-gara tugas mata kuliah,jadi nda d terusksn.

ternyata dengan tidak melakukan apa-apa selama liburan,otak jadi nganggur tidak berfungsi sebagaimana mestinya,untuk mengembalikan fungsi otak,menulis d blog jadi salah satu cara jitu buat saya. dengan ini bisa berpikir berpikir dan berpikir,sekarang mau tulis apa,besok mau tulis apa,lusa mau tulis apa.. yaaah meskipun nda ada yang baca dan saya yakin sampai sekarang belum ada yang baca hasib blog ini apanya yang menarik?? nothing.
 haaah,biar laah.buat kesenangan diri sendiri saja..ahhhhaaa

Kamis, 13 Mei 2010

CHIROPRACTIC : A LITTLE PHYSICAL THERAPY, A LOT OF NONSENSE.(THE SKEP DOC.)


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COPYRIGHT 2009 Skeptics Society & Skeptic Magazine CHIROPRACTIC MEANS DIFFERENT things to different people. For some, it is a practical way to get quick relief from mechanical back pain. For others, it is a cult-like belief system based on demonstrably false ideas and a magnet for every kind of quackery that endangers our public health and sometimes even kills patients.
A science like chemistry develops gradually over many decades with input from many different scientists. A pseudoscience like chiropractic can be invented instantaneously by one person. D.D. Palmer, a grocer and magnetic healer, invented chiropractic on September 18, 1895. He did something to a deaf man's back. The man said he could hear again. This is particularly ironic, because the nerves to the ear don't go anywhere near the spine, and no chiropractor today claims to be able to cure deafness. Palmer immediately deduced that all disease was caused by out of place bones (95% in the spine and 5% in other bones), but he never tried to test his hypothesis in any way; he just forged ahead and treated thousands of patients.
Ironically, 1895 was also the year that Louis Pasteur died. Most rational people accept the germ theory of disease, but chiropractic theory rejects it, and many chiropractors today continue to believe that germs can't hurt you if your spine is in alignment. And 1895 was the year Wilhelm Roentgen discovered x-rays. D. D. Palmer thought he could feel bones out of place in the spine; he called them subluxations (partial dislocations). There are such things as true medical subluxations that show up clearly on x-rays. When they got around to documenting chiropractic "subluxations" with x-rays, nothing showed up. But that didn't matter to the chiropractors. Their belief system had already been established, and nothing was going to change their minds. They just changed their definition: instead of an actual subluxation, they were treating a "vertebral subluxation complex": "A complex of functional and/or structural and or pathological articular changes that compromise neural integrity and may influence organ system and general health." Translated: "We are going to call anything we want to manipulate a subluxation."
Chiropractic theory is based on three principles:
(1) bony displacement causes all disease;
(2) displacement interferes with nerve function;
(3) removing the interference allows Innate (a vitalistic force) to heal the body.
All three of these principles are false.
(1) Chiropractic subluxations have never been demonstrated;
(2) No impairment of nerve function has been documented;
(3) No such vitalistic force has been detected.
Palmer was under the misconception that all bodily functions are controlled by the nerves. He didn't know about hormones. He didn't know we would learn to transplant organs that would function in the new body with no nerve connections at all. He reasoned in a prescientific manner, and his attitude was more that of a religious believer than a rationalist; he spoke of a God-given calling and seriously considered making chiropractic a religion. D.D. Palmer's son B.J. was unscrupulous and a marketing genius. The success of chiropractic is largely due to his early efforts.
Spinal manipulation was nothing new. Others offered it, particularly osteopaths (they thought it restored blood flow rather than nerve function). During the course of the 20th century, osteopaths accepted scientific medicine. Today, American osteopaths take the same specialty training residencies and pass the same licensing exams as MDs. Chiropractic chose to remain in its own limbo. No school of chiropractic has ever been associated with a university, unless you count the University of Bridgeport, an institution closely associated with the Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon.
What does the evidence show? Spinal manipulation therapy (SMT) is as effective as other treatments for certain types of low back pain, and may offer superior early relief, but the long-term outcome is no better. That's it. There is no good evidence that anything else about chiropractic is effective. It certainly is not effective for asthma, ear infections and other somatovisceral conditions that some chiropractors claim to benefit. So the one thing chiropractors do that works is something that is not uniquely chiropractic but is also used by physical therapists, physical medicine specialists, and osteopaths.
Chiropractors have accumulated over 200 different treatment methods. Instead of comparing two methods to see which works better and rejecting the other, they just keep adding new methods. I have only found one thing that chiropractic as a whole has ever given up as ineffective: a nerve-tracing method invented by B.J. Palmer, who convinced himself he could feel nerves through the skin, nerves unknown to anatomists.
The Risk of Stroke
There is a very small but very real risk of stroke with neck manipulation. Because of the anatomy of the neck, a bone-tethered kink in the vertebral artery is stressed with high velocity neck manipulations and the lining of the artery can tear, causing immediate bleeding or sending delayed clots to the brain. Chiropractors try to deny this and say those patients probably went to the chiropractor because they had neck pain and were already starting to have a stroke. But we have plenty of "smoking gun" cases where healthy young people with no neck pain or stroke symptoms and no risk factors for stroke collapsed on the chiropractor's table and were found to have tears in their vertebral arteries. In one study, patients under the age of 45 with a vertebral artery stroke were 5 times as likely as controls to have seen a chiropractor in the previous week.
Risks should be weighed against benefits, but there don't seem to be any clear benefits of neck manipulation. A recent database summary of medical research--the Cochrane review--showed that gentle mobilization worked just as well as high-velocity manipulation, but both had to be used in conjunction with exercise to be effective. The real tragedy is that chiropractors are manipulating necks for "health maintenance," low back pain and other conditions where there is no evidence of benefit and no plausible rationale, but very real risks. For example, 20-year-old Laurie Jean Matthiason saw her chiropractor for low back pain; she had 186 neck manipulations over a six month period and the last one killed her. Sandra Nette had a neck manipulation only because she thought it would help maintain her already good health; she suffered a severe stroke and has filed a class action suit asking the government of Canada for $525 million dollars for failure to regulate a dangerous practice.
Other Risks
Half of all chiropractic patients report mild to moderate side effects, from local discomfort to headache. Manipulations have caused broken bones and herniated discs. Chiropractors expose patients to radiation from unnecessary x-rays. Some discourage patients from taking medications or having needed surgery; some want to serve as the initial point of contact for all health care. Chiropractors are notorious for adopting all kinds of quackery from applied kinesiology to colonic irrigation. My biggest concern is that over half of chiropractors don't support immunizations, thereby endangering public health.
Just a few examples of chiropractic insanity from my local community:
1. A chiropractor claims a baby's neck is stretched 2.5 times normal length by childbirth (an anatomical impossibility) and should have neck adjustments starting in the delivery room.
2. A chiropractor treated his own son's meningitis with manipulations only; the child died.
3. A chiropractor diagnosed allergies by having a patient hold a sealed vial of allergen in one hand while he judged the muscle strength in the patient's other arm. He suspected one patient was allergic to something at work, and since he didn't have a vial of "Boeing," he had the patient just think about "Boeing" and that worked just as well.
4. A chiropractor informed me that if germs caused disease we'd all be dead and insisted that you can't become ill if your spine is properly aligned.
5. A chiropractor claims to be able to tell if you have a good brain or a bad brain based on a paper and pencil measurement of the normal blind spots in your eyes, and then offers to correct it by manipulation.
6. Several chiropractors offer $5000 series of spinal decompression treatments with a computerized machine that has not been shown to offer any benefit.
How to Choose a Sale Chiropractor
Some chiropractors are skilled at SMT and at treating low back pain. You can look for one who rejects the subluxation myth and limits his practice to short-term treatment of mechanical back pain and doesn't use any quack treatments. But then you're not getting chiropractic treatment, you're getting physical therapy from a chiropractor. Edzard Ernst, the world's first professor of complementary and alternative medicine, reviewed the scientific evidence for chiropractic and concluded "Chiropractors ... might compete with physiotherapists in terms of treating some back problems, but all their other claims are beyond belief and can carry a range of significant risks."
A friend of mine had a narrow escape. He had back pain that just wouldn't quit, and decided to try a chiropractor. He called on a Friday to make an appointment for the following Monday. Over the weekend, his pain stopped and it never came back. If he had seen the chiropractor on Friday, he would have been convinced the chiropractor had cured him, and probably would have spent the rest of his life faithfully getting useless maintenance adjustments.
For further reading: The best book on chiropractic is Inside Chiropractic by Samuel Homola, D.C. The best website is http://www.chirobase.org/
Source Citation
Hall, Harriet. "Chiropractic: a little physical therapy, a lot of nonsense." Skeptic [Altadena, CA] 15.2 (2009): 6+. Gale Arts, Humanities and Education Standard Package. Web. 13 May 2010.

Strength and science: gender, physiotherapy, and medicine in early-twentieth-century America.

This article explores the development of post-World War I allied medical professions in the United States, and more specifically the rise of physiotherapy as it was used to rehabilitate maimed soldiers. Unlike other female health care professionals of the time, physiotherapists engaged in intra-gender conflicts with white-collar women rather than attempting to gain independence from medical men. Driven to be distinct from other female professionals, physiotherapists created a unique post-Victorian identity, defining their practice as requiring both strength and science, which challenged the convention of seeing women as the weaker, more nurturing sex. Their story, however, is not one of simple triumph. Eager to medicalize and professionalize their field, by 1935 they subordinated themselves to physician supervision, losing what little professional autonomy they had acquired during the 1920s. Yet, by extending their professional sphere of influence over disabled soldiers, these therapists became physical manipulators of the male body and purveyors of knowledge regarding the definition and treatment of disability.

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COPYRIGHT 2005 Indiana University Press
Scholars who study the history of female physicians, social workers, and public health nursing during the 1920s have tended to tell the story of medical professionalism as one in which white-collar men and women held opposing gender-specific views on how expert knowledge should be utilized and disseminated. The most frequently cited example of this divide is the controversy surrounding the 1921 Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Act. (1) As scholars usually narrate the story, on one side of the debate were the women who worked for the Children's Bureau and who supported the Act, believing that federal dollars should be allocated to state health centers in order to improve, among other things, the nation's infant mortality rate. On the other side stood the elite male physicians of the American Medical Association (AMA), who roundly condemned the Act as an "imported socialistic scheme," which directly threatened their free market ideology of private practice. Indeed, in 1922, the AMA House of Delegates voted unanimously to denounce the Sheppard-Towner Act, declaring it a form of state medicine. (2)
But this story of stark gender conflict does not capture the entire domain of health care professionalism during the early twentieth century. At the same time that women in the Children's Bureau engaged in ideological and political battles with the AMA for control over the nation's health, a small group of female physiotherapists actually courted the medical profession's favor and cooperation. (3) Only one year after the AMA publicly condemned the Sheppard-Towner Act, women leaders of the American Physiotherapy Association (APA) invited Ray Lyman Wilbur, then president of the AMA, to give the keynote address at the national physiotherapy conference. APA president Dorothea Beck enthusiastically introduced Wilbur to the stage, assuring him that it was the goal of her association to "give the medical profession a band of trained women whose ideals, personality, and technical training are all that the physicians and surgeons of the American Medical Association can wish." (4)
The APA's congenial relationship with Wilbur and the elite men of the AMA complicates the typical historical narrative of professional antagonism between the sexes during the 1920s. Physiotherapy represents a different kind of female professionalism--one that concerned itself more with achieving autonomy from other white-collar women than it did with gaining independence from white-collar men. (5) Other female-dominated health occupations that arose alongside physiotherapy during the war, such as occupational therapy and dietetics, drew support from medical men. (6) But as occupations steeped in the womanly spheres of arts, crafts, and home economics, these other professions also achieved legitimacy through the backing of women's charity networks. By contrast, physiotherapists did not seek support from women's clubs or female associations for professional uplift; rather, physiotherapists legitimized their profession almost solely by association with the medical profession.
To secure the medical profession's support, physiotherapists created a post-Victorian gender identity, making them distinct from traditionally female health care workers. Unlike educated women of the nineteenth century who accepted their lot as the weaker yet more nurturing sex, physiotherapists thought of themselves as strong women who possessed specialized knowledge. Whereas nurses treated patients at the bedside, physiotherapists worked in gyms and performed manual rehabilitative therapy with the goal of reshaping weakened and disabled male bodies, making them stronger and fitter for the theaters of war and industrial work. Physiotherapists believed that their unique combination of brains and brawn gave them authority over the disabled body. To place physiotherapists in the larger context of women's history, then, one must be willing to see physiotherapy as a reaction against Victorian notions of womanhood, creating a discontinuity with the conventional role of female caregivers.
This article traces the development of physiotherapy from its beginnings during the First World War to its establishment as an allied medical field, under the direction of physicians in the early 1930s. Throughout this time period, physiotherapists faced repeated challenges to their professional identity and territory. Because the first generation of practitioners had degrees in physical education, physiotherapists struggled to establish themselves as legitimate health care providers in a field where nursing had long been the accepted occupation of most women medical assistants. Nurses, however, did not pose the only threat. As physiotherapists moved from the circumscribed sphere of well-defined governmental jobs to the unregulated private marketplace, they witnessed an exponential growth of competitors, the most threatening of which was chiropractic. Throughout their travails, physiotherapists looked to organized medical men--who, during the 1920s, had achieved remarkable legal and political control over the health care field--for guidance and professional support. The campaign for a medical alliance reached its peak in 1930, when a battered, yet more mature, physiotherapy profession made its practice entirely reliant on physician prescription, losing what little professional autonomy they had achieved during the 1920s.
Allies within the War
"War Work for Women" read a banner that the U.S. Army hung outside of the physical education building at Reed College in 1918. Here, in Portland, Oregon, the World War I effort to train female "reconstruction aides" in the newly created occupation of physiotherapy was well underway. By command of Surgeon General William Gorgas, chief of the U.S. Medical Department, physical education programs across the country instituted physiotherapy "War Emergency Courses" to train women who could physically rehabilitate maimed soldiers returning from the battlefields overseas.
Physiotherapy programs represented one part of a much larger military effort to recruit women for war work. Never before in American history had the U.S. Army mobilized women for war service on such a massive scale. (7) In a nation on the cusp of passing federal legislation that would enfranchise its female citizens, the military's mobilization of women elicited what some scholars have called "a war within the war." (8) Behind the front lines, women used the Great War as an occasion to wage battles against men who perpetuated world conflict and gender inequality. (9) One example of this kind of conflict can be found in the life of Alice Hamilton, a prominent Harvard physician who identified war work as a particularly hopeful means of gaining equality with her male colleagues. Although originally a pacifist, Hamilton urged her fellow physician-sisters to join the military when America declared war on Germany in April 1917, with the ultimate goal of achieving military status. If female physicians achieved rank as medical officers they would receive the same pay as their male colleagues--a kind of economic equity that was unattainable outside of the military setting. (10)
Not all women war workers followed Hamilton's path. As this article demonstrates, the newly minted wartime physiotherapists did not wage "a war within a war," but instead fostered a congenial relationship with their male commanding surgeons. Rather than seeing war as an opportunity to advance the cause of women or to fight for economic equality, they understood it as a chance to carve out a new career path that would have been unthinkable in the civilian professional world.
Ninety percent of World War I physical therapists came from schools of physical education. (11) In contrast to its European allies, the United States did not have a military with an established profession of physiotherapy to fill the ranks of the Division of Reconstruction. (12) The Army's Surgeon General's Office thus looked to the country's physical education programs not only for a supply of possible recruits, but also as sites where course work could be conducted. By April 1918, six women's physical education schools offered their facilities to the Medical Department: Reed College in Oregon, The Battle Creek Normal School of Physical Education in Michigan, The New Haven Normal School of Gymnastics in Connecticut, and the remaining three--The American School of Physical Education, The Boston School of Physical Education, and The Prose Normal School of Gymnastics--in Boston. (13) Schools of physical education provided the best setting for physiotherapy training since they offered ample gym space for physical exercise and had ready-made civilian instructors who could lead classes on the subjects of massage and corrective gymnastics.
For female physical-educators-turned-physiotherapists, the First World War provided a unique opportunity to move from an exclusively female sphere of educating other women and children to a medical arena where men were both superiors and patients. Ever since physical education programs arose during the mid-nineteenth century, sex segregation permeated the methods, aims, and expectations of instruction. (14) Physical education schools for boys, for instance, arose during the Civil War in order to enhance male vitality and produce stronger warriors through gymnastics and drills. Girls' physical education, by contrast, came about in response to postbellum medical concerns that highly educated women suffered from unnaturally high levels of "nervous tension"--a condition that not only resulted in ill-health, but also impaired a woman's ability to bear children. Thus, whereas men's physical education grew out of a desire to en-hance and harness physical strength, women's fitness programs stemmed from cultural concerns that the weaker sex would become even weaker. As a system built on unwavering sex segregation, physical education programs only hired instructors who were the same sex as its students. Male physical educators instructed men to become more vigorous fighters and female instructors worked to create fitter mothers. (15) The military's recruitment of female educators to serve as physiotherapists challenged the Victorian, sex-segregated assumptions upon which the field of physical education had been built. By recruiting female physical educators to treat and exercise male soldiers, the Army insinuated that women could become experts on the physical health and fitness of the male body or, at the very least, the disabled male body.
The recruits, who began their careers thinking that they would become gym teachers at all-women's secondary schools or colleges, described the war work in the Medical Department as a welcome change. (16) Rosalie Donaldson Worthington claimed that when she worked as a physical educator in the school system she had "no notion of how to go about teaching, no notion of how to interest" the girls in her classroom. But when she began studying and practicing physiotherapy on adult men, "life ... had suddenly jelled." (17) Another therapist, Nellie Chilcote, felt so emboldened by her newly gained medical expertise that she challenged her commanding physician's orders. After months of orders that required her to rehabilitate a soldier whose leg was severely injured as a result of multiple fractures and shrapnel wounds, Chilcote refused to perform further treatment, insisting that her patient's leg be amputated. While she knew that making a medical recommendation to a doctor was a "dangerous thing to do," after a few days of her persistence, the surgeon finally agreed to perform the amputation. (18)
Both military surgeons and wartime therapists adopted the widely popular World War I rhetoric of "teamwork" to describe their relationship with one another. (19) As practitioners of medical specialties that had not yet come of age, orthopedic surgeons and rehabilitation physicians had everything to gain by maintaining a working relationship with the physiotherapists. Before the war, most orthopedic surgeons practiced in children's hospitals, where they experimented with techniques of surgical manipulation on children with congenital deformities. Fueled by the wartime enthusiasm for the rehabilitation of maimed soldiers, the small medical specialty of orthopedists hoped that with the support of some 800 wartime physiotherapy aides, orthopedic surgeons could maintain their position as purveyors of knowledge on matters of repairing injured men, both in times of war and peace. (20) Physicians and surgeons looked to the physiotherapists to convince hospital administrators to plan for rehabilitation departments where both therapists and surgeons could be employed. (21)
Despite the fact that physiotherapists subordinated themselves to male orthopedic surgeons--and indeed, the larger military hierarchy of men--they fastened on to the "teamwork" rhetoric invoked by their superiors. Instead of being angered about her lack of medical training and understanding of military-based diagnostic categories, therapist Edith McClure wrote that in her department there was a "very understanding doctor who willingly helped fill in the gaps" left from her hurried wartime course training. (22) Wartime physiotherapist Ruby Decker saw The Division of Reconstruction in an even more democratic light: "Physical therapists worked in conjunction with the patient's personal physicians. Please note the phrase: 'in conjunction with.' [Reconstruction work] was a co-operative program with mutual appreciation and respect." (23)
The case of wartime physiotherapists thus complicates the notion of women fighting "a war within a war" against overt forms of male domination. Contrary to a long line of women in the military who thought that "surgeons were [among] the most brutal men," World War I physiotherapists developed a respectful and close relationship with their commanding physicians. (24) In doing so, physiotherapists gained a new sphere of autonomy and power over a select group of men--namely, maimed soldiers--without ever having to engage in ideological warfare with their commanding officers. The new sphere that the physiotherapists created was a complex web of power structures, with men above and below them. (25)
Intra-gender Warfare
By most scholarly standards, World War I physiotherapists fit the image that historians have identified as the "second generation of new women." (26) Like many other women who began their professional careers at the end of the suffrage movement--and in the midst of a new consumer-oriented economy--the physiotherapists were less reform-minded, less politically driven, and more individualistic than their nineteenth-century counterparts. Educated in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when many high schools were coeducational, these women did not live according to the Victorian rule of gender difference; rather, they fostered heterosexual relations, both professionally and personally. Moreover, as historian Nancy Cott has argued, the scientific ideology so popular in the early twentieth century encouraged professional women to see "a community of interests between themselves and professional men and a gulf between themselves and unprofessional women." Because scientifically-based professions promised neutrality and objectivity, the second generation of women assumed that they would be judged according to their professional merits, regardless of sex. (27)
Yet, while physiotherapists matched most descriptions of the modern professional woman, they differed in the sense that they perceived almost all other women--professional and non-professional--as threats to their careers. They not only rejected the notion of a class-blind sisterhood that permeated women's clubs and the settlement house movement, but also denied a sense of community that might have existed between them and other scientifically minded female professionals. Again, to invoke the Sheppard- Towner
Act example as a point of contrast: whereas public health nurses, female physicians, and social workers involved in the Children's Bureau banded together in the 1910s and 1920s to create a network of female professionals who resisted medicalization, physiotherapists opposed developing a kinship with other professional women and welcomed the idea of medicalizing their uniquely gender-based knowledge of physical fitness.
From the very beginning of their professional formation, physiotherapists actively criticized other professional women in an attempt to distinguish themselves from a myriad of female health care providers. Much of the physiotherapists' intra-gender animus originally stemmed from the same-sex discrimination imposed by the Medical Department during World War I. At the outset of war, physiotherapists entered the armed services as civilian volunteers, while the less-educated, yet medically established, nurses ranked as military personnel, above the therapists. (28) What was a cost-cutting measure for the Army amounted to an affront to many therapists' sense of respectability. The Medical Department granted nurses a degree of security, recognition, and employee benefits not afforded to the hundreds of women who worked as physiotherapy aides. (29)
Overshadowed, outranked, and outnumbered by the nursing profession, physiotherapists mounted a campaign of professional exclusion against nurses. During the months immediately following the war, P.T. Review (the first professional journal of the APA) covered extensively the inequalities among women who served in the war. (30) When in 1920 an army officer at San Francisco's Letterman General Hospital assigned a nurse to manage the department of physical therapy, P.T. Review editors lambasted the commanding officer, calling the order "brainless," arguing that such an arrangement would ultimately harm patients' health. (31) By March of the following year, and after a stream of letters penned by therapists who condemned the Letterman order, P.T. Review proudly announced that the Surgeon General had replaced the commanding nurse with a trained physiotherapist. (32)
Military orthopedic surgeons and rehabilitation physicians who worked closely with the physiotherapists during the war fully supported the therapists in their effort to restrict nurses from entering the specialty of rehabilitation. In a 1920 letter to Mary McMillan (the first president of the APA), Dr. Harold Corbusier argued that the Army Medical Department should only grant physiotherapists the same military status as nurses so long as physiotherapy remained distinct from nursing. (33) After the war, when the Army Medical Department proposed to subordinate physiotherapists to the nursing corps, Dr. A. B. Hirsh wrote an angry letter to one of his colleagues claiming that "such a demotion to an inferior status would undoubtedly destroy the fine morale of the high type young women [that is, physiotherapists], many of them college bred." (34) Most importantly, when wartime physiotherapists began to organize their own professional association, Dr. Frank Granger, head of the Army's Physiotherapy Division, played an instrumental role in keeping nurses out of the profession by stipulating that all physiotherapists have physical education degrees. In a letter responding to a nurse who criticized his requirements, Granger wrote that from his experience in the army, few nurses "made good as skilled operators." (35)
While a large number of nurses (especially public health nurses) came from the same socioeconomic background as physiotherapists, leaders of the APA and physicians who supported them made an argument for distinction based on education, drawing a line between "skilled" professionals--women who had a four-year secondary degree and specialty training under the tutelage of physicians--and "unskilled" nurses, who had three years of training, at most. For physiotherapists and their commanding physicians, medical specialization served more as a group identifier than gender or class. Orthopedic surgeons, rehabilitation specialists, and physiotherapists all shared the same goal of retaining a unique identity, distinct from the more well-known general practitioners of medicine.
But the physiotherapists used more than their educational clout to drive a wedge between them and other professional women. In order to distinguish themselves from their fellow physical educators, who had the same educational background, physiotherapists appealed to their image as medical experts, using this as an indicator of physiotherapy's superiority. The field of physical education had historically developed in response to worries about how industrialization and the urban lifestyle would affect the physical health and bodies of city dwellers. It was a field, in other words, that aimed toward social reform. (36)
By joining forces with orthopedic surgeons, the physical educators-turned-physiotherapists made a self-conscious turn away from their reformer roots. Instead of educating a whole population of urban girls and women, both healthy and ill, physiotherapists treated injured men whom they considered to be patients. The shift in vision that physiotherapists made from the social to the medical is best exemplified by comparing the educational requirements in both fields of physical education and physiotherapy.
Women physical educators thought of their field as an "applied science." In their courses on anatomy, physiology, gymnastic exercise, and hygiene, students employed an arsenal of scientific instruments--including microscopes, skeletons, and anatomical charts--to better understand the effects of physical exercise. Some schools even hired medical doctors, usually women, to conduct physical examinations of all incoming students. Although physical educators prided themselves on the scientific basis of their work, they nevertheless understood science to be the handmaiden of social reform. Only when applied properly could the science of physical education succeed in making a healthier society for all women and children. (37)
The Physiotherapy War Emergency program, by contrast, functioned primarily as a full-immersion course in the language and practice of the "new scientific medicine" that arose as a result of the late-nineteenth-century discovery of bacteriology and the germ theory of disease. Much of the physiotherapists' education took place not at the bedside but at the bench, where they dissected human cadavers while learning about the latest theories in human physiology and orthopedic surgery. Male orthopedists commanded the organization and content of the coursework, instructing their physiotherapy students to think of patients in terms of diagnostic groups and medical categorizations, both of which were established by military surgeons.
In addition to military medicine courses, physiotherapists took courses in "military massage," even though many of them were already educated in techniques of manual therapy. Rather than mere "rubbers"--common early-twentieth-century parlance indicating one who was trained in massage techniques--military physicians wanted physiotherapists to be known as "medical rubbers." (38) Not only did medicalization have the effect of bringing massage, which was long considered a "fringe" treatment of manual therapy, to the mainstream of medical practice, but it also subverted the common linkage between masseurs and prostitution. By bringing "rubbing" under the umbrella of medicine, and the alleged objectivity that accompanied it, orthopedic surgeons and the military thought that they could successfully neutralize the relationship between soldiers and the women treating them, despite the unavoidable physical intimacy that massage techniques required.
Perhaps most significantly, at least for the purpose of distinguishing themselves from physical educators, physiotherapists took coursework in the latest medical technologies. In the early twentieth century, medical doctors and surgeons interested in rehabilitation began utilizing deep-tissue heating agents, which were thought to help with the physical manipulation of muscles and joints. Before graduating from the War Emergency Course, physiotherapy aides had to demonstrate proficiency in a wide array of electrical and hydrotherapeutic devices. (39)
Physiotherapists defined themselves as scientific professionals not only by virtue of their education, but also by their lack of commitment to conventional female methods of political and medical reform. This latter approach to identity formation was most apparent in their interactions with occupational therapists, a group of women whom the army recruited to work side-by-side with physiotherapists in the reconstruction effort. Occupational therapy began during the early twentieth century when Eleanor Clarke Slagle--known as the "Jane Addams of occupational therapy"--attended the Chicago School of Civics where she took courses in "curative occupations and recreations." (40) With Hull House's Labor Museum and its creation of the Chicago Arts and Crafts Society in 1897, Chicago reformers had already established a tradition of engaging working-class men and women in arts and crafts activities to relieve nervous anxieties brought about by industrialization. (41) During the war, occupational therapists brought this approach of easing physical pain to the battle lines, engaging patients in beadwork, basket weaving, and woodworking to strengthen injured limbs and calm the minds of recuperating soldiers.
To be sure, some physiotherapists felt a strong kinship with their fellow occupational therapists--after all, occupational therapists and physiotherapists shared everything from army-issued uniforms to living quarters. (42) But women who went on to become leaders of the physiotherapy profession encouraged distance more than empathy. P.T. Review insisted that occupational therapists be considered "society women" rather than professionals whose work was grounded in rigorous educational standards. At its most disparaging, P.T. Review characterized occupational therapy as a "pleasant handicraft that can be picked up in a few spare hours." (43) Ultimately, physiotherapists thought occupational therapy served the useful, yet more womanly, calling of "morale boosting." (44)
Physiotherapists were not alone in criticizing the work of occupational therapists. Several influential rehabilitation physicians and orthopedic surgeons contended that occupational therapy should be seen as, at best, the stepchild to the practice of physical therapy, and at worst, a completely expendable frivolity. Once again Granger came to the physiotherapists' defense, asserting that "occupational therapy [was] curative only in the degree that ... it [took] the patient's mind off of himself." (45) Prominent hospital planner Dr. William H. Walsh expressed the difference between occupational therapists and physiotherapists more clearly: "[T]oo many [occupational therapy] departments are under the auspices and control of well meaning ladies' boards, conducting the work as a social affair and quite independent of professional supervision." (46) Because Walsh and others like him saw occupational therapists more as entertainers than as medical professionals, they thought that occupational therapy should ultimately be "under the direction of physical therapy." (47)
It is no surprise that certain physicians remained wary of occupational therapists, for throughout the war and well into the later half of the twentieth century, occupational therapy retained some of its reformer roots. According to historian Virginia Quoriga, occupational therapists drew on the authority of medical men, but not at the expense of giving up their larger professional aim of challenging the overly objective methods of the new scientific approach to medicine. (48) As an outgrowth of late-nineteenth-century arts and crafts societies--societies that, as T. J. Jackson Lears has pointed out, represented the heights of anti-modernist sentiments at the turn of the twentieth century--occupational therapy easily lent itself to criticism of medicine's reliance on technology and the laboratory sciences. Accordingly, the occupational therapists themselves advocated a holistic vision of illness, seeing it as a product of a complex mix of social, economic, and biological factors. In addition, unlike physiotherapists, they opposed medical domination of their field; while physiotherapy came under physician-controlled licensing in the 1930s, occupational therapists resisted such medical control well into the 1970s. (49)
That physiotherapists adopted a strategy of inclusion toward male rehabilitation physicians and one of exclusion toward other closely-linked female professionals points to the crux of physiotherapy's problem in creating an identity for itself: women threatened their professional survival more than men did. First-generation physiotherapists wanted to secure their own professional space, devoid of hobbling remnants of Victorian womanhood that still shaped the identity of nurses and occupational therapists. (50) They aimed to maintain the high scholarly standards of physical education, which, by the 1920s, required a four-year degree, while securing widespread recognition as a medically based profession, just as nurses had been enjoying for many years before them. From their perspective, achieving such professional distinctiveness required hitching their fortunes to medical men, even at the cost of alienating themselves from their sisterhood.
A Post-Victorian Identity: The Professionalization of Physiotherapy
As part of the larger effort to create a unique professional identity for themselves, physiotherapists broke away from the Victorian ideal of womanhood. While they engaged in conventional methods of identity formation (through professional associations and journals), they primarily distinguished themselves from other health care providers through their methods of practice. Quite appropriately, physiotherapists challenged traditional Victorian gender roles through the physicality of their work.
Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, women were thought to be well-suited for careers in medicine because they had a distinct ability to alleviate suffering--a characteristic that men, by nature, could never possess. In particular, American society held women physicians in high regard, because they alone, as historian Regina Morantz-Sanchez argues, "could combine sympathy and science--the hard and soft sides of medical practice." (51) Because of their unique strengths, women health providers became leaders in matters of family and public health, where fears about the ill-health of mothers and children intersected with larger societal concerns.
When shaping their own professional identity, physiotherapists resisted the Victorian assumption that "softness" was a biologically determined trait. Instead of emphasizing their ability to sympathize with patients, physiotherapists promoted their career choice as one that required physical strength. (52) One physiotherapist working during the 1920s described her occupation as "hefty" work and wrote that many of her male patients asked if she found her job to be "too much of a strain." (53)
In photographs, as in Figure 1, they portrayed themselves as women of rather large stature, arduously stretching heads and limbs of male patients and providing manual resistance during exercise. (54) While nurses and occupational therapists typically treated patients at the bedside, physiotherapists often worked in gyms, leading group exercise. As such, they resembled drill sergeants more than bedside nurturers; commanders more than those who were ordered to care (Figure 2). They hovered over male bodies, in gyms and on plinths, at times pulling on amputated limbs, and at other times, applying electrical devices (Figure 3).

Because their treatments frequently elicited pain from their patients, physiotherapists could not be nurturers in the traditional sense of the term. Nurses, dieticians, and occupational therapists took on more customary duties of female bedside nurturing: they fed, bathed, and cheered recuperating soldiers. Caroline B. King, a dietician who served in the American Expeditionary Forces during World War I, expressed the nurturer point of view most succinctly when she spoke of the rewards of her work: "[I remembered] the bright faces of a whole ward full of desperately wounded boys ... when I managed to give them something extra good, like lemon pies; but best of all my rewards was the name the boys bestowed on me--'Mother.'" (55) Physiotherapists, by contrast, actively avoided rhetoric that even hinted of maternalism. (56)
And yet, physiotherapists were not men, nor did they want to be. At every turn, they chose a middle road, characterizing themselves in both traditionally masculine and feminine terms. Army recruitment literature described physiotherapists' comportment as cheerful yet forceful and their touch as gentle but firm. (57) When writing about their commanding wartime physiotherapist, Margaret Sanderson, they described her as a "disciplinarian," who, at the same time, showed great concern for the therapists' well-being, advising overseas therapists to get "proper rest and wear warm underwear." (58)

JPEGF

In a very real sense, World War I allowed these once-segregated physical educators to experiment with blurring the sexual spheres. Obscuring the spheres, however, did not lead to a full rejection of gender distinctions. Instead, the physiotherapists synthesized Victorian sex-based characteristics that were considered exclusively male and female, producing new combinations of gender distinction. Most strikingly, being a "strong woman" was no longer a contradiction in terms as it had been throughout the nineteenth century. Through their practice, the physiotherapists made a very important step toward creating a female professional space within the medical profession, where medical men would support and respect the work of physically strong women and where the stereotype of women as the inherently weak and delicate sex could be legitimately challenged. (59)
Moreover, the blurring of the gender spheres gave physiotherapists a kind of adaptability that sex-segregation did not permit. In situations where they had to distinguish themselves from other female health professionals, physiotherapists emphasized their strength. When they felt threatened by beauticians and other "untrained graduates of massage," they appealed to the rigorous scientific standards of their practice. (60) And when they felt that they had to protect their professional turf from other male practitioners, such as electrotherapists, physiotherapists called attention to the fact that as women, they had softer, more flexible hands and a more comprehensive training in all physical techniques of rehabilitation. (61)
In order to accommodate their conceptual malleability of the profession's gender identity, physiotherapists decided to avoid sex-laden terminology when naming their professional association. Even though women dominated the field, in 1921 physiotherapists from across the country voted to change their organization's name from the originally proposed "American Women's Physical Therapeutic Association" to the non-gendered "American Physiotherapy Association." (62) Historian Nancy Cott has argued that it was common for early-twentieth-century female professionals to avoid emphasizing their gender, for these women "often sought to legitimize their pursuits by emphasizing their identification as rational and neutral professionals." (63)
JPEGF

But while physiotherapists used non-gendered terminology to gain respect from the medical profession and to distinguish themselves from physical educators whose profession persisted along gender-specific lines, they had more than legitimization or professional cohesiveness to gain. (64) The APA's creation of a gender-free organizational name made it possible for a handful of male wartime physiotherapists to become members of the association, which, in turn, created a unique situation of female majority rule, a sphere of influence where women had explicit control over their male counterparts. In one of the only surviving accounts from a first-generation male physiotherapist, Carroll McAllister summed up the gender dynamics of the field, saying that "women ran the whole show in physiotherapy." (65) APA membership directories indicate that in the decade following the war, male therapists constituted anywhere from one to four percent of the organization, depending on the year. (66) Few in number, these men did not have much of a voice in the association. They did not write for the pages of P.T. Review, nor did they assume leading positions in the association's bureaucracy. Women physiotherapists held the offices of president, vice-president, treasurer, and secretary throughout the 1920s. (67) Male physiotherapists often found themselves working under the direction of women, both on the national and local levels, since hospital administrators typically hired female physiotherapists to manage hospital rehabilitation units. McAllister, for instance, not only followed his physiotherapist wife, Olive E. Clarke, to California in 1921 when she was promoted to be chief physiotherapist at a San Francisco hospital, but he also worked under her as a member of her staff. (68)
In both their organizational structure and professional literature, physiotherapists created an image of themselves as physical laborers with college degrees. This combination was new, both in the realm of medicine--where book-learning earned far more respect than a hands-on healing--and in the sphere of educated women--a group that was often seen as the weaker sex. Physiotherapists freely admitted that their occupation required a highly educated, "athletic" person to stretch, massage, and exercise patients in a way that would procure concrete measures of physical rehabilitation and bring about quantifiable physiological improvements. (69) Whereas women physicians of the nineteenth century laid emphasis on the dual virtues of sympathy and science for professional advancement, the new twentieth-century profession of physiotherapy emphasized the two "hard sides" of rehabilitative medicine: strength and science.
Marketplace Friends
JPEGF

Rather than sloughing off their wartime past in the decade following the war, the physiotherapists' fervor for professional distinctiveness heightened throughout the 1920s. As a result of cutbacks in government spending, by 1922 the military reduced physiotherapy services, forcing many women to leave their well-defined (although relatively poorly paid) governmental jobs to find employment in the free-market economy. (70) Some therapists opened private practices, others worked in doctor's offices, while still others found work in industrial accident clinics. (71) As these women moved from positions secured by the war machine to the private sphere, however, they encountered an unforgiving medical marketplace crowded with osteopaths, chiropractors, and nurses--all of whom claimed to practice "physiotherapy." Indeed, by the mid-1920s, APA headquarters received a stream of letters from rank-and-file members complaining about "illegitimate" manual therapists who called themselves physiotherapists. Of all the so-called physiotherapy intruders, chiropractors posed the greatest threat. (72)
Compared to their campaigns of exclusion against nurses and occupational therapists, physiotherapists had a much more difficult time keeping their professional identity separate and distinct from chiropractors. Stripped of their professional titles and identities, chiropractors and physiotherapists looked very similar in regard to therapeutic practice, for both treated patients through the laying on of hands. (73) More than a belief in manual healing, however, bound the two practitioner groups. From the beginning, women established a significant presence in chiropractic. Between the years of 1913 and 1919, almost 50 percent of chiropractors in Washington DC were women. A similar male-to-female ratio can be seen in Kansas, where women made up 40 percent of practicing chiropractors in 1925. (74)
In response to the chiropractic threat, APA therapists engaged in a steady campaign to win the approval of the AMA, which throughout the 1920s enjoyed growing dominance and legal control over the health-care field. (75) By the 1920s, newly regulated AMA medical schools began to teach aspiring physicians that chiropractors were unscientific "cultists," mere moneymakers who endangered the public's health with their unsubstantiated claims to therapeutic truths. The AMA lobbied aggressively against chiropractors, convincing state legislatures to create laws that would not only prohibit their licensure but also deny them insurance payments. As a result, hospitals and clinics largely excluded chiropractors from practicing within their institutions' walls. (76)
Hence, APA therapists and the AMA had mutually supporting interests: both wanted to curtail the practice and prevalence of chiropractors. The physiotherapists readily adopted the AMA's anti-quackery rhetoric, and proudly proclaimed themselves to be "scientific" practitioners of physiotherapy, even when the effectiveness of their therapies was still largely based on anecdotal evidence. (77) The medical profession, in turn, supported the physiotherapists, seeing them as a means to undercut their chiropractic competitors. By maintaining a relationship with women who assumed subordinate positions in the medical hierarchy, the organized medical profession could incorporate manual healing techniques into orthodox practice without having to worry about marketplace competition. As the AMA Committee on the Costs of Medical Care later asserted in 1932, the medical profession's use of physical therapy did more than anything else to "eradicat[e] sectarianism and quackery" among manual healers. (78)
While APA therapists succeeded in winning the protection of the AMA, securing their place in the country's modern university hospitals and clinics, the price that they paid for their occupational safety was high. Feeling the pressure to make her profession's cooperation with the AMA more overt, in 1928 APA President Gertrude Beard suggested that her fellow physiotherapists agree to make their treatment wholly contingent upon physician prescriptions. In practice, most physiotherapists had relied on physician referrals since the days of the First World War, but they had never formally relinquished their right to treat patients without doctors' orders.
By 1930, Beard's recommendation became a reality. According to an APA survey conducted during the height of the Great Depression, therapist salaries across the country had been drastically cut throughout the early 1930s and up to a third of all private practices had been closed as a result of the country's economic downturn. (79) In addition, association membership plummeted, despite the temporary moratorium on membership fees. (80) Dispirited and financially strapped, APA physiotherapists had little fervor to fight state medical legislation concerning chiropractors. Instead, the therapists who remained members of the APA urged their association leaders to work "ethically with the medical profession." (81) In response to these rank-and-file pleas, the APA amended its original 1921 constitution, changing crucial wording about the therapist-physician relationship. Whereas the 1921 constitution stated that the organization would provide trained women to the medical profession, the 1930 version asserted that physiotherapists would "cooperate under the direction of the medical profession." (82) In essence, the APA mandated physician referral for its practice. Although the mandate was an act of self-conscious subordination, Beard and her successors believed that such a relationship between the two professional groups would create a greater degree of exclusivity in which no other practitioners--especially chiropractors and nurses--could take part.
Even when presented with the possibility of breaking free from the medical profession to become autonomous practitioners, physiotherapists remained conservative in their drive toward professional legitimacy. When, in 1934, a group of osteopaths and chiropractors--who called themselves the "Physiotherapists Society"--invited APA members to join their effort in becoming independent of the medical profession, APA therapists adamantly declined the offer. "Be it resolved," the physiotherapists wrote to the osteopaths and chiropractors, "that it is not desirable to practice physical therapy except under the direction of a physician duly authorized to prescribe." (83) By this point in their professional careers, physiotherapists had not only convinced themselves that they stood on the moral high ground above "cultist" manual healers, but also that the medical profession's support was far too great of an asset to risk losing.
By 1935, the APA relinquished to the medical profession what little self-regulatory control it still maintained. In 1933, it gave the AMA's Council on Medical Education complete power to accredit physiotherapy schools. In that same year, physiotherapists turned over the task of setting up a national registry to medical men in the Congress of Physical Therapy. As part of the agreement, the Congress required that physiotherapists be called technicians and give up their private practices to work under the direct supervision of medical doctors. (84)
A New Kind of Female Professionalism in Twentieth-Century Medicine
The phenomenon of women welcoming professional medicine into a female occupational domain appears to run contrary to much of the literature in women's history. Many scholars have rightly pointed out that medicalization worked to the detriment of women, both as patients and health-care providers. The history of childbirth in America, for instance, shows us how medical doctors redefined pregnancy and birthing as something "pathological," rather than as a natural part of a woman's life. (85) By the same token, the history of women's medical education demonstrates that the number of female students enrolled in medical school progressively declined during the first half of the twentieth century, largely because of the exclusionary tactics employed by the male-dominated AMA. (86) And finally, historians who study women and public health during the 1920s point to the AMA's take-over of the female-run Children's Bureau as yet another instance of medical invasion. (87)
How, then, are we to understand physiotherapists of the early twentieth century, who appear to stand outside of the prevailing narrative of women professionals and medicine? Part of the answer is that for the physiotherapists, there was little continuity between their physical education roots and their careers in physiotherapy. Since the nurses, social workers, and physicians who worked in the Children's Bureau had deep connections to Victorianism and the sphere of women's clubs, societies, and settlement houses, they belonged as much to the nineteenth century as they did to the twentieth. To comprehend the situation of the physiotherapists, we need different frames of reference and a willingness to think along lines of discontinuity from, or at least reaction against, the Victorian past. The first generation of physiotherapists worked diligently to maintain an occupational space distinct from other female professions. They did not want to be seen as an extension of physical education, nor did they wish to be grouped together with occupational therapists or nurses, all of whom maintained elements of their Victorian heritage.
The story of the first generation of physiotherapists reminds us as historians that, in some respects, women entering the new health-care professions of the early twentieth century profited from professionalization and medicalization. To be sure, much was lost as physiotherapists moved closer to the AMA. Indeed, by 1935, physiotherapists assumed virtually the same position they had held during the First World War, working at the bottom of a strict chain of command where physicians ultimately controlled female medical assistants and their work. Nevertheless, the physiotherapists created a new sphere of autonomy where they were "strong women" who could legitimately exert power over male physiotherapists as well as the disabled male body--two achievements that would have been impossible in the sex-segregated field of physical education. Ultimately, by working closely with one set of men, physiotherapists gained power over other groups of men. Through the medicalization of physical education techniques, female physiotherapists became purveyors of knowledge inaccessible to the men they treated.
Physiotherapy thus became a viable career path in which women could manipulate men, both through their womanly strength and through the esoterism of medical knowledge and technology. Thinking in broader terms, it is striking that despite the First World War and a well-defined turn-of-the-century "masculinity crisis," the U.S. military and its physicians promoted use of the strong athletic woman who was capable of inflicting pain on her patients rather than the motherly nurse-type caregiver. How the physiotherapists figure into the growing literature on the history of the male body during the early twentieth century as well as scholarship on the remasculinization of disabled men are topics for further research. (88) It is evident, however, that in order to fully understand the motivations and actions of women in the allied health professions, historians must consider the complex web of power relations that these women negotiated on a day-by-day basis. In the case of physiotherapy, the desire to become experts on the disabled male body played a significant role in the trajectory of their occupation. Most of all, the aspiration to take charge of rehabilitating the nation's disabled soldiers and veterans explains why the physiotherapists' story is one of cooperation with medical men, not overt conflict.
For his intellectual support, encouragement, and cheerful willingness to comment on multiple drafts of this article, I am indebted to John Harley Warner. I am especially grateful for the comments of Glenda Gilmore, Naomi Rogers, Maureen Flanagan, Robyn Muncy, and Toby Appel, all of whom provided me with essential insights into the history of women professionals. I also wish to thank my dissertation writing group members, Rebecca Davis and Mark Krasovic, who urged me to write with more clarity and force. Finally, the generous financial support of the Yale Program in the History of Science and Medicine made possible the completion of this project.


sumber :

Rabu, 24 Maret 2010

LIGA CHAMPION


perempat final liga champion akan dimulai minggu depan.
arsenal vs barcelona
manchester united vs bayern munchen
olmpique lyon vs bordeaux
intermilan vs CSKA moscow

Minggu, 21 Maret 2010

MU VS LIVERPOOL



Manchester United betul-betul menunjukkan tajinya saat melawan Liverpool semalam (21Maret 2010). the red devil menang dengan skor 2-1. gol MU dicetak oleh Wayne Rooney dan Park Ji Sung, sedangkan gol semata wayang Liverpool dicetak oleh el nino Fernando Torres.fans MU sempat cemas pada awal pertandingan, sebab Torres mencetak gol cepat pada menit ke-5. pertandingan ini sempat diwarnai emosi yang membludak dari para pemain.

LIONEL MESSI


TAHUKAH anda?
Lionel Messi kembali menggila dengan mencetak hat-trick ke gawang Zaragoza dini hari tadi(22 Maret 2010).
Barcelona menang dengan skor 4-2. Messi mencetak gol pertama di babak pertama dan dua gol lainnya di cetak di babak kedua. satu gol lagi dicetak oleh Zlatan Ibrahimovic lewat titik penalti.

Sabtu, 20 Maret 2010

DAVID BECKHAM


TAHUKAH anda?
14 Maret 2010 adalah hari yang sangat buruk bagi artis lapangan bola David Beckham. kala itu, AC Milan bertanding melawan Chievo Verona. Becks mengalami cidera pada tendon achilesnya (robek) yang membuatnya hampir pasti gagal ikut tampil di ajang Piala Dunia 2010 nanti. tidak hanya sampai di situ, dalam pertandingan itu Beckham juga mendapat tendangan keras yang mengenai wajahnya. ujung sepatu lawan membuat wajah suami Victoria Beckham itu berdarah. sungguh ironis Becks...

Jumat, 19 Maret 2010

DAVID VILLA

TAHUKAH anda?
"Raja" Spanyol saat ini boleh jadi Villa. Di daftar top skorer La Liga, dari lima yang paling subur, hanya Villa yang asli lokal. Dia telah menorehkan 17 gol dari 24 pertandingan. Ia masih di bawah Messi dan Gonzalo Higuain, tapi lebih subur daripada Cristiano Ronaldo dan Zlatan Ibrahimovic.

Penyerang 28 tahun itu baru saja menunjukkan kelasnya lagi di pertandingan Europa League. Memimpin Valencia menghadapi tuan rumah Werder Bremen, Jumat (19/3/2010) dinihari WIB, Villa menciptakan hat-trick dalam laga berkesudahan 4-4. El Che lolos ke perempatfinal dengan skor agregat 5-5, unggul produktivitas gol tandang.

"Inilah kami, masuk perempatfinal dengan sebuah produk nasional," tukas Villa yang dikutip dalam situs Marca. "80 persen skuad Valencia adalah orang Spanyol. Saya senang kami bisa memberi suatu kebahagiaan tak cuma untuk orang-orang Valencia, tapi seluruh orang Spanyol."

Yang patut disayangkan adalah Villa tak bisa berduel melawan Messi saat kedua tim bertemu di Nou Camp akhir pekan lalu. Villa absen karena cedera punggung, El Barca menang 3-0, semua gol dibuat Messi.

"Jika si pemain terbaik dunia (Messi) memiliki harinya, memang sulit menghentikan dia," puji Villa pada "rivalnya" itu.

Tapi sekali lagi, mengacu statistik musim ini di La Liga, Villa adalah penyerang terbaik Spanyol. Dan harap catat, di daftar top skorer timnas Spanyol, ia ada di urutan kedua dengan 37 gol dari 55 pertandingan. Ia cuma kalah dari Raul Gonzalez, yang telah menghasilkan 44 gol dari 102 caps.

sumber: http://www.beritabola.com

Kamis, 18 Maret 2010

Obama Tunda ke Indonesia

TAHUKAH anda?
BARACK Obama ternyata menunda kedatangannya ke Indonesia bulan ini. Obama baru akan ke Indonesia bulan Juni nanti.. katanya sih the president sedang menyelesaikan RUU reformasi kesehatan di U.S sana..

sumber : www.detiknews.com

Selasa, 16 Maret 2010

google

tahukah anda?
GOOGLE hampir pasti menutup jaringannya di cina..
selengkapnya buka d www.google.com

amerika serikat

TAHUKAH ANDA?
JELANG kedatangan Obama, tentara amerika serikat brjumlah 300ribu org datang ke laut batam dan bali untuk mengamankan kedatangan sang presiden..

Senin, 15 Maret 2010

stress

TAHUKAH anda?
HARI ini tgl 15 Maret saya sangat stress!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!




Minggu, 14 Maret 2010

balapan liar

TAHUKAH anda.. td mlm tgl 13 maret 2010 terjadi kecelakaan akibat balapan liar d jl.perintis kemerdekaan.. korban meninggal dunia dan sampai entri ini d terbitkan, blum ad yg tahu identitas korban.

Sabtu, 13 Maret 2010

sepakbola

TAHUKAH anda?
SETELAH klub raksasa bertabur bintang Real Madrid tersingkir dr babak 16 besar liga champion, kini los galacticos dikabarkan mengincar sejumlah nama bintang besar lainnya seperti Wayne Rooney dan David Villa untuk musim depan..

Kamis, 11 Maret 2010

TAHUKAH anda?

GAJAH adalah satu-satunya hewan yg tidak bisa melompat..

TULANG dan OTOT

TAHUKAH anda?

JUMLAH tulang pada tubuh manusia adalah sebanyak 206 buah. sedangkan jmlah ototnya lebh dari 600 buah...

TAHUKAH anda?

jam tidur seseorang yg sehat itu adalah 5-7 jam.
jika anda tidur kurang dari 5 jam, maka anda telah memperpendek umur anda sebnyak 15%, sedangkan jika anda tidur lebih dr 7 jam, maka anda telah memperpendek umur anda sebanyak 8-10%

Rabu, 10 Maret 2010

TAHUKAH anda?

ternyata ada sungai di dalam laut. sungai ini ditemukan oleh seorang penyelam yg sy lupa namanya,, sungai ini ditemukan d negara barat sana. untuk lebih jelasnya, silahkan cari di google..

to be continued...